Ancient Greece’s culture and the genre of tragedy in particular associate the female body with torment and pain, particularly that of labor[4]. In Euripides’ Medea for instance, the poet extols the sacrifice of a mother who would, in the same way men do, “rather stand three times in the front of battle than bear one child[5].” This painful condition which devolves on women is intrinsically linked to the experience of birth, a fate later voiced by the Orthodox clergy on the ground that only Mary Mother of God, the Blessed Virgin, gave birth without pain.

As a possible consequence of such problematics, the rate of Caesarean delivery has soared in contemporary Greece, as noted by Elsa Pimenidou, a member of the organization Birthchoice: “Officially, the Caesarean birth rate is 50% but it is actually 70%. Until a few years ago, Brazil ranked first, but Greece has already taken the lead[6].” Studies show that this mode of delivery is influenced by fear of vaginal birth[7].

According to an expatriate, it is very difficult to give birth naturally in Athens where obstetricians “all perform routine episiotomies and discourage rooming in and nursing[8].” A 2009 survey estimated that the breastfeeding rate six months after birth has been reduced to 4% as a result of “the distinct lack of a breastfeeding culture in Greek society[9].” A recent report by International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN) expressed concern over “the lack of education on breastfeeding and support for mothers who wish to breastfeed.” Because of the high rate of C-sections and the active promotion of breastmilk substitutes in hospitals, less than 10% of mothers breastfeed exclusively for the first 6 months[10].

MCo

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Widespread fantasies that “one has to sacrifice” or that “one’s badly designed setting is collapsing” could very much stem from such traumatic birth experience. Indeed, if the newborn doesn’t heal by fostering a deep maternal bond in the following months—notably through breastfeeding, which is rarely encouraged in Greece—he/she is likely to struggle in defining his/her own independent self. The relevance of these early imprints as public health and social issues can be contemplated as Greek youth unemployment reaches a historical high in the midst of economic depression (fig. 1).

Fig. 1: Graffiti displaying womb and traumatic birth symbols
in the streets of Athens (www.huffingtonpost.com, 7/6/2015)

To cope with their emotional upheaval and like their ancestors did, Greeks express deep resentment against overweening Western Powers. Professor of Hellenic studies currently teaching at Thessaloniki, Molly Green points out: “For the people who voted ‘no’ [to the July 5 bailout referendum], it was, once again ‘we’re being pushed around by other European countries as though we’re not a part of Europe’.[11]”

Historical struggle for differentiation

Defining one’s identity is an inner working model for large groups too, as Dr Volkan further suggests. In this perspective, it has been stressed that Greece never fully completed individuation as a modern state. Gaining independence from the Ottoman Empire in the late 1820s, the Greeks were forced to accept a Bavarian prince as new monarch, King Othon of Greece, then still a minor. The Great Powers of the time, Russia, United Kingdom and France, helped secure the Greek borders but made it clear the newcomer would never be in position to compete in the European arena.

In the 19^th century, Grecophiles such as English poet Lord Byron—whose death in the Greek War of Independence was romanticized—helped plant Hellenism as the nation’s foundation myth centered on the glory of antiquity. Western Europeans manufactured a “fantasy Greece” largely based on idealization of ancient Athens as the “cradle of democracy.” Today, the average Greek citizen still beholds Europe with fear and suspicion as the country never quite made a transition to modernity. Interviewed by Newsweek, Greek actor Antonis Kafetzopoulos put it this way: “We always tried to compromise between the old Ottoman establishment and modern Europe[12].”

This troubled relationship between Greece and Europe, which goes back nearly two hundred years, was enabled by European lenders. After independence, Greek rebels didn’t repay European loans granted to fight the Ottomans, but creditors poured more money into the country in 1832 when King Othon was installed. Half a century later, Greece over-borrowed in foreign markets and defaulted again in 1893. Even back then, an “International Committee for Greek Debt Management” was formed to force reforms!

A political birth process

What is to be done?  However irresponsible Greek governments may have been in the past, this has not been the case with the two most recent bailouts. As Nobel laureate economist Paul Krugman has pointed out, Athens faithfully enacted the austerity policies demanded by its creditors and, through no fault of its own, the policies did not work. Now, at the time of this writing, the gods in Brussels and Berlin are imposing a third round of austerity policies that are no more likely to succeed than the previous ones.

Believing they must remain in the Eurozone at all costs, the current Greek government and apparently the majority of its citizens are accepting this fate. But apparently, Greece will not do without a painful political birth process. The ability to distinguish the present reality from the emotional upheaval it triggers is only more necessary to work through this difficult stage.

Marc-André Cotton, MA, the International Vice President of the International Psychohistorical Association and an International Member of the Psychohistory Forum, is a teacher, independant scholar, and co-director with therapist Sylvie Vermeulen or the French website Regard conscient (www.regardconscient.net), dedicated to exploring the unconscious motivations of human behavior.

© M.A. Cotton – 10.2015 / www.regardconscient.net